122. The
Augsburg Interim.
The first
step to reduce the Lutherans to obedience to the Pope was the
so-called
Augsburg Interim. It was proclaimed by the Emperor at Augsburg
on May
15, 1548, as the law of the Empire under the title: "Der
roemischen
kaiserlichen Majestaet Erklaerung wie es der Religion halben
im
heiligen Reich bis zu Austrag des gemeinen Concilii gehalten werden
soll."
The people were also forbidden to teach, write, or preach against
the
document. The Interim had been prepared by the papal bishops Julius
Pflug and
Michael Helding and the court-preacher of Elector Joachim of
Brandenburg,
John Agricola, a man with whom Luther had, already since
1540,
refused to have any further intercourse owing to his insincerity
and duplicity.
"I go forth as the Reformer of all Germany," Agricola
boasted
when he left Berlin to attend the Diet at Augsburg, which was to
open
September 1, 1547. After the Diet he bragged that in Augsburg he
had flung
the windows wide open for the Gospel; that he had reformed the
Pope and
made the Emperor a Lutheran, that a golden time had now
arrived,
for the Gospel would be preached in all Europe; that he had not
only been
present, but had presided at the drafting of the Interim; that
he had
received 500 crowns from the Emperor and 500 from King Ferdinand,
etc.
(Preger, _M. Flacius Illyricus,_ 1, 119.)
The
document, prepared at the command of the Emperor, was called Interim
because
its object was to regulate the church affairs until the
religious
controversy would be finally settled by the Council of Trent,
to the
resolutions of which the Lutherans were required to submit. It
was,
however, essentially papal. For the time being, indeed, it
permitted
Protestant clergymen to marry, and to celebrate the Lord's
Supper in
both kinds, but demanded the immediate restoration of the
Romish
customs and ceremonies, the acknowledgment of papal supremacy
_iure
divino,_ as well as the jurisdiction of the bishops, and the
adoption
of articles in which the doctrines were all explained in the
sense of
the Catholic dogmas, and in which truth and falsehood, in
general,
were badly mingled. Transubstantiation, the seven sacraments,
and other
papal errors were reaffirmed, while Lutheran tenets, such as
the
doctrine of justification by faith alone, were either denied or
omitted.
And from the fact that this Interim was nevertheless condemned
by the
Pope and the Romanists, who demanded an unqualified, blind, and
unconditional
submission, the Lutherans could infer what they were to
expect
after consenting to these interimistic provisions. The general
conviction
among Catholics as well as Protestants was that the Interim
was but
the first step to a complete return to Romanism. Indeed, soon
after its
promulgation, the Catholic Electors of Mainz and Koeln
endeavored
to rob the Lutherans also of the use of the cup and of the
marriage
of the priests. The Elector of Mainz declared all such
marriages
void and their children bastards. (Jaekel, 162.)
In the
most important point, the doctrine of justification, the Augsburg
Interim
not only omitted the _sola fide,_ but clearly taught that
justification
embraces also renewal. When God justifies a man, the
Interim
declared, He does not only absolve him from his guilt, but also
"makes
him better by imparting the Holy Ghost, who cleanses his heart
and
incites it through the love of God which is shed abroad in his
heart."
(Frank, _Theologie d. Konkordienformel,_ 2, 80.) A man "is
absolved
from the guilt of eternal damnation and renewed through the
Holy Spirit
and thus an unjust man becomes just." (143.) Again: "This
faith
obtains the gift of the Holy Ghost, by which the love of God is
shed
abroad in our hearts; and after this has been added to faith and
hope, we
are truly justified by the infused righteousness which is in
man; for
this righteousness consists in faith, hope, and love." (81.)
In
Southern Germany, Charles V and his Italian and Spanish troops,
employing
brute force, succeeded in rigidly enforcing the Interim
outwardly
and temporarily. Free cities rejecting it were deprived of
their
liberties and privileges. Constance, having fallen after a heroic
defense,
was annexed to Austria. Magdeburg offered the longest
resistance
and was outlawed three times. Defiantly its citizens
declared:
"We are saved neither by an Interim nor by an Exterim, but by
the Word
of God alone." (Jaekel 1, 166.) Refractory magistrates were
treated
as rebels. Pastors who declined to introduce the Interim were
deposed,
some were banished, others incarcerated, still others even
executed.
In Swabia and along the Rhine about four hundred ministers
were
willing to suffer imprisonment and banishment rather than conform
to the
Interim. They were driven into exile with their families, and
some of
them were killed. When Jacob Sturm of Augsburg presented his
grievances
to Granvella, the latter answered: "If necessary, one might
proceed
against heretics also with fire." "Indeed," Sturm retorted,
"you
may kill
people by fire, but even in this way you cannot force their
faith."
(165.) Bucer and Fagius, preachers in Augsburg, left for
England.
Musculus was deposed because he had preached against the
Interim.
Osiander was compelled to leave Nuernberg, Erhard Schnepf,
Wuerttemberg.
Among the fugitives eagerly sought throughout Germany by
the imperial
henchmen was Brenz in Schwaebisch-Hall, the renowned
theologian
of Wuerttemberg, who spoke of the Interim only as "Interitus,
Ruin."
(_C. R._ 7, 289.) The tombstone of Brenz bears the inscription:
"_Voce,
stylo, pietate, fide, ardore probatus_--Renowned for his
eloquence,
style, piety, faithfulness, and ardor." (Jaekel, 164.) A
prize of
5,000 gulden was offered for the head of Caspar Aquila, who was
one of
the first to write against the Interim. (Preger 1, 12.) Of
course,
by persecuting and banishing their ministers, the Emperor could
not and
did not win the people. Elector Frederick II of the Palatinate
consented
to introduce the Interim. But even in Southern Germany the
success
of the Emperor was apparent rather than real. The churches in
Augsburg,
Ulm, and other cities stood empty as a silent protest against
the
Interim and imperial tyranny.
In
Northern Germany the Emperor met with more than a mere passive
resistance
on the part of the people as well as the preachers. The
Interim
was regarded as a trap for the Lutherans. The slogan ran: "There
is a
rogue behind the Interim! _O selig ist der Mann, Der Gott vertrauen
kann Und
willigt nicht ins Interim, Denn es hat den Schalk hinter ihm_!"
The
Interim was rejected in Brunswick, Hamburg, Luebeck, Lueneburg,
Goslar,
Bremen, Goettingen, Hannover, Einbeck, Eisleben, Mansfeld,
Stolberg,
Schwarzburg, Hohenstein, Halle, etc. Joachim of Brandenburg
endeavored
to introduce it, but soon abandoned these efforts. At a
convent
of 300 preachers assembled in Berlin for the purpose of
subscribing
to the Interim, an old minister whose name was Leutinger,
arose and
declared in the presence of Agricola, the coauthor of the
Interim:
"I love Agricola, and more than him I love my Elector; but my
Lord
Jesus Christ I love most," and saying this, he cast the document
handed
him for subscription into the flames of the fire burning in the
hearth.
Before this, Margrave Hans, of Kuestrin, had flung away the pen
handed
him for the subscription of the infamous document, saying: "I
shall never
adopt this poisonous concoction, nor submit to any council.
Rather
sword than pen; blood rather than ink!"
The three
Counts of Mansfeld, Hans Jorge, Hans Albrecht, and Hans
Ernest,
declared in a letter of August 20, 1548, to the Emperor: "Most
gracious
Emperor and Lord! As for our government, the greater part of
the
people are miners, who have not much to lose and are easily induced
to leave.
Nor are they willing to suffer much coercion. Yet the welfare
of our
whole government depends upon them. Besides, we know that, if we
should
press the matter, all of the preachers would leave, and the
result
would be a desolation of preaching and of the Sacraments. And
after
losing our preachers, our own lives and limbs would not be safe
among the
miners, and we must needs expect a revolt of all the people."
(Walther
19f.) Thus the Interim before long became a dead letter
throughout
the greater part of Germany.
123.
Attitude of John Frederick toward Interim.
In order
to obtain his liberty, the vacillating Philip of Hesse, though
he had
declined to submit to the resolutions of the Council of Trent,
declared
himself willing to adopt the Interim. "It is better," he is
reported
to have said, "to hear a mass than to play cards," etc. (Jaekel
1, 130.
162.) Special efforts were also made by the Emperor to induce
John
Frederick to declare his submission to the Council and to sanction
the
Interim. But the Elector solemnly protested that this was impossible
for him.
All attempts to induce him to abandon his religious convictions
met with
quiet but determined resistance. One of the cruel conditions
under
which the Emperor was willing to rescind the death-sentence passed
on the
Elector was, that he should consent to everything the Emperor or
the
Council would prescribe in matters of religion. But the Elector
declared:
"I will rather lose my head and suffer Wittenberg to be
battered
down than submit to a demand that violates my conscience.
_Lieber
will ich meinen Kopf verlieren und Wittenberg zusammenschiessen
lassen,
als eine Forderung eingehen, die mein Gewissen verletzt._" (1,
116.)
Through Granvella the Emperor promised the Elector liberty if he
would
sign the Interim. But again the Elector declared decidedly that
this was
impossible for him.
In a
written answer to the Emperor the ex-Elector declared, boldly
confessing
his faith: "I cannot refrain from informing Your Majesty that
since the
days of my youth I have been instructed and taught by the
servants
of God's Word, and by diligently searching the prophetic and
apostolic
Scriptures I have also learned to know, and (this I testify as
in the
sight of God) unswervingly to adhere in my conscience to this,
that the
articles composing the Augsburg Confession, and whatever is
connected
therewith, are the correct, true, Christian, pure doctrine,
confirmed
by, and founded in, the writings of the holy prophets and
apostles,
and of the teachers who followed in their footsteps, in such a
manner
that no substantial objection can be raised against it.... Since
now in my
conscience I am firmly persuaded of this, I owe this
gratefulness
and obedience to God, who has shown me such unspeakable
grace,
that, as I desire to obtain eternal salvation and escape eternal
damnation,
I do not fall away from the truth of His almighty will which
His Word
has revealed to me, and which I know to be the truth. For such
is the
comforting and also the terrible word of God: 'Whosoever
therefore
shall confess Me before men, him will I confess also before My
Father
which is in heaven. But whosoever shall deny Me before men, him
will I
also deny before My Father which is in heaven,' If I should
acknowledge
and adopt the Interim as Christian and godly, I would have
to
condemn and deny against my own conscience, knowingly and
maliciously,
the Augsburg Confession, and whatever I have heretofore
held and
believed concerning the Gospel of Christ, and approve with my
mouth
what I regard in my heart and conscience as altogether contrary
to the
holy and divine Scriptures. This, O my God in heaven, would
indeed be
misusing and cruelly blaspheming Thy holy name,... for which I
would
have to pay all too dearly with my soul. For this is truly the sin
against
the Holy Ghost concerning which Christ says that it shall never
be
forgiven, neither in this nor in the world to come, _i.e._, in
eternity."
(Walther, 16.)
The
Emperor was small enough to punish the heroic refusal and bold
confession
of the Elector by increasing the severity of his
imprisonment.
For now he was deprived of Luther's writings and even of
the
Bible. But the Elector, who drew the line of submission at his
conscience
and faith, declared, "that they were able indeed to deprive
him of
the books, but could not tear out of his heart what he had
learned
from them." And when Musculus and the Lutheran preachers of
Augsburg
whom the Emperor had banished because of their refusal to
introduce
the Interim, took leave of the Elector, the latter said:
"Though
the Emperor has banished you from the realm, he has not banished
you from
heaven. Surely, God will find some other country where you may
preach
His Word." (Jaekel. 164.)
124.
Melanchthon's Attitude toward the Interim.
In the
beginning, Melanchthon, too, assumed an attitude of defiance over
against
the Augsburg Interim. Especially among his friends and in his
private
letters he condemned it. In several letters, also to Elector
Maurice,
he and his Wittenberg colleagues declared that they disapproved
of the
document, and that the doctrine must not be denied, changed, nor
falsified.
(_C. R._ 6, 874. 954.) April 25, 1548 he wrote to Camerarius
that the
Interim corrupted the truth in the doctrine of justification,
and that
he was unable to assent to its sophisms. (878. 900.) April 29,
1548:
"The manifest facts teach that efforts at conciliation with our
persecutors
are vain. Even though some kind of concord is patched up,
still a
peace will be established such as exists between wolves and
lambs.
_Etiam cum sarcitur concordia qualiscumque, tamen pax
constituitur,
qualis est inter lupos et agnos._" (_C. R._ 6, 889; Frank
4, 90.)
In a letter to Christian, King of Denmark (June 13, 1548), he
said that
the Interim "confirmed and reestablished many papal errors and
abuses,"
and that the "abominable book would cause many dissensions in
the
German nation." (_C. R._ 6, 923.) June 20 he wrote with reference to
the
Interim: "I shall not change the doctrine of our churches, nor
assent to
those who do." (946.) July 31, to the Margrave John of
Brandenburg:
"As for my person I do not intend to approve of this book,
called
Interim, for which I have many weighty reasons, and will commend
my
miserable life to God, even if I am imprisoned or banished." (7, 85.)
In a
letter of August 10 he speaks of the corruptions "which are found
in the
Augsburg sphinx," and declares that he is determined faithfully
to guard
the doctrine of the Gospel. (97.) August 13, 1548, he wrote to
Medler:
"Brenz, Nopus [Noppius], Musculus, learned, pious, and most
deserving
men, have been driven from their churches, and I hear that
everywhere
others are being expelled from other places,--and Islebius
[Agricola]
is shouting that this is the way to spread the Gospel."
(102.)
In a
criticism of the Augsburg Interim published in the beginning of
July,
1548, Melanchthon declared: "Although war and destruction are
threatened,
it is, nevertheless, our duty to regard the Word of God as
higher;
that is to say, we must not deny what we know to be the truth of
the
Gospel." On November 10, 1548, he said before a convention of
theologians:
"Remember that you are the guardians of truth, and consider
what has
been entrusted to you for preservation by God through the
prophets
and the apostles, and, last of all, through Dr. Luther. If that
man were
still living, the misfortune of a change of doctrine would not
be
threatening us; but now that there is no one who is clothed with the
authority
which he had, now that there is no one who warns as he was
wont to
do, and many are accepting error for truth, the churches are
brought
to ruin, the doctrine heretofore correctly transmitted is
distorted,
idolatrous customs are established, fear, doubt, and strife
are
reigning everywhere." (Walther, 21.)
However,
though Melanchthon disapproved of the imperial Interim, he was
afraid to
antagonize it openly and unflinchingly. Yet it was just such a
public
and decided testimony that was needed, and everywhere expected of
Melanchthon;
for he was generally regarded as the logical and lawful
successor
of Luther and as the theological leader of the Church. July
22, 1548,
Aquila wrote: "What shall I say of the arch-knave Eisleben,
Agricola?
He said: 'The Interim is the best book and work making for
unity in
the whole Empire and for religious agreement throughout all
Europe.
For now the Pope is reformed, and the Emperor is a Lutheran,'"
Imploring
Melanchthon to break his silence and sound the public warning,
Aquila
continues: "Thou holy man, answer and come to our assistance,
defend
the Word and name of Christ and His honor (which is the highest
good on
earth) against that virulent sycophant Agricola, who is an
impostor."
(7, 78.)
Such were
the sentiments of loyal Lutherans everywhere. But Melanchthon,
intimidated
by threats of the Emperor, and fearing for his safety,
turned a
deaf ear to these entreaties. While the captive Elector was
determined
to die rather than submit to the Interim, and while hundreds
of
Lutheran ministers were deposed, banished, imprisoned, and some of
them even
executed because of their devotion to the truth, Melanchthon
was
unwilling to expose himself to the anger of the Emperor. And before
long his
fear to confess and his refusal to give public testimony to the
truth was
followed by open denial. At the behest of Elector Maurice he
consented
to elaborate, as a substitute for the Augsburg Interim, a
compromise
document--the so-called Leipzig Interim.
125.
Melanchthon and the Leipzig Interim.
After the
victory of the Emperor and the proclamation of the Augsburg
Interim,
Maurice, the new-fledged Elector, found himself in a dilemma.
Charles V
urged him to set a good example in obeying and enforcing the
Interim.
Indebted as he was to the Emperor for his Electorate, he, to
some
extent, felt bound to obey him also in religious matters. At the
same
time, Maurice was personally not at all in agreement with the
radical
Augsburg Interim and afraid of forfeiting the sympathies of both
his old
and new subjects on account of it. Nor did he fail to realize
the
difficulties he would encounter in enforcing it. Accordingly, he
notified
the Emperor on May 18 that he was not able to introduce the
Interim
at present. Soon after, he commissioned the Wittenberg and
Leipzig
theologians to elaborate, as a substitute for the Augsburg
Interim,
a compromise, more favorable and acceptable to his subjects. At
the
preliminary discussions, especially at Pegau and Celle, the
theologians
yielded, declaring their willingness to submit to the will
of the
Emperor with respect to the reintroduction of Romish ceremonies
and to
acknowledge the authority of the Pope and bishops if they would
tolerate
the true doctrine. (Preger 1, 40.) The final upshot of it all
was the
new Interim, a compromise document, prepared chiefly by
Melanchthon
and adopted December 22, 1548, at Leipzig. This "Resolution
of the
Diet at Leipzig" was designated by its opponents the "Leipzig
Interim."
Schaff remarks: "It was the mistake of his [Melanchthon's]
life, yet
not without plausible excuses and incidental advantages. He
advocated
immovable steadfastness in doctrine [?], but submission in
everything
else for the sake of peace. He had the satisfaction that the
University
of Wittenberg, after temporary suspension, was restored and
soon
frequented again by two thousand students. [The school was closed
May 19
and reopened October 16, 1547.] But outside of Wittenberg and
Saxony
his conduct appeared treasonable to the cause of the Reformation,
and acted
as an encouragement to an unscrupulous and uncompromising
enemy.
Hence the venerable man was fiercely assailed from every quarter
by friend
and foe." (_Creeds_ 1, 300.)
It is
generally held that fear induced Melanchthon to condescend to this
betrayal
of Lutheranism,--for such the Leipzig Interim amounted to in
reality.
And, no doubt, there is a good deal of truth in this
assumption.
For Melanchthon had been told that because of his opposition
to the
Augsburg Interim the anger of the Emperor was directed against
him
especially, and that he had already called upon Maurice to banish
this
"arch-heretic." It certainly served the purpose of Maurice well
that he
had to deal with Melanchthon, whose fear and vacillation made
him as
pliable as putty, and not with Luther, on whose unbending
firmness
all of his schemes would have foundered. However, it cannot
have been
mere temporary fear which induced Melanchthon to barter away
eternal
truth for temporal peace. For the theologians of Wittenberg and
Leipzig
did not only identify themselves with the Leipzig Interim while
the
threatening clouds of persecution were hovering over them, but also
afterwards
continued to defend their action. When the representatives of
the Saxon
cities protested against some of the provisions of the
Interim,
they declared, on December 28, 1548: "We have learned your
request
and are satisfied with the articles [Leipzig Interim] delivered,
which not
we alone, but also several other superintendents and
theologians
prepared and weighed well; therefore we are unable to change
them. For
they can well be received and observed without any violence to
good
conscience." (_C. R._ 7, 270.) It was as late as September, 1556
that
Melanchthon, though even then only in a qualified way, admitted
that he
had sinned in this matter, and should have kept aloof from the
insidious
counsels of the politicians. (8, 839.) Indeed, in 1557 and
1560 the
Leipzig and Wittenberg theologians still defended the position
they had
occupied during the Interim. Evidently, then apart from other
motives
of fear, etc., Melanchthon consented to write the Interim
because
he still believed in the possibility of arriving at an
understanding
with the Romanists and tried to persuade himself that the
Emperor
seriously sought to abolish prevailing errors and abuses, and
because
the theological views he entertained were not as far apart from
those of
the Leipzig compromise as is frequently assumed.
126.
Provisions of Leipzig Interim.
The
professed object of the Leipzig Interim was to effect a compromise
in order
to escape persecution and desolation of the churches by
adhering
to the doctrine, notably of justification, but yielding in
matters
pertaining to ceremonies, etc. December 18, 1548, Melanchthon
(in the
name of George of Anhalt) wrote to Burchard concerning the
Interim
adopted four days later: "They [Maurice and the estates] hope to
be able
to ward off dangers if we receive some rites which are not in
themselves
vicious; and the charge of unjust obstinacy is made if in
such
things we are unwilling to contribute toward public tranquillity...
In order,
therefore, to retain necessary things, we are not too exacting
with
respect to such as are unnecessary, especially since heretofore
these
rites have, to a great extent, remained in the churches of these
regions....
We know that much is said against this moderation, but the
devastation
of the churches, such as is taking place in Swabia, would be
a still
greater offense." (7, 251ff.) The plan of Melanchthon therefore
was to
yield in things which he regarded as unnecessary in order to
maintain
the truth and avoid persecution.
As a
matter of fact, however, the Leipzig Interim, too, was in every
respect a
truce over the corpse of true Lutheranism. It was a unionistic
document sacrificing
Lutheranism doctrinally as well as practically. The
obnoxious
features of the Augsburg Interim had not been eliminated, but
merely
toned down. Throughout, the controverted doctrines were treated
in
ambiguous or false formulas. Tschackert is correct in maintaining
that, in
the articles of justification and of the Church, "the
fundamental
thoughts of the Reformation doctrine were catholicized" by
the
Leipzig Interim. (508.) Even the Lutheran _sola_ (_sola fide,_ by
faith
alone) is omitted in the article of justification. The entire
matter is
presented in terms which Romanists were able to interpret in
the sense
of their doctrine of "infused righteousness, _iustitia
infusa._"
Faith is coordinated with other virtues, and good works are
declared
to be necessary to salvation. "Justification by faith," says
Schmauk,
"is there [in the Leipzig Interim] so changed as to mean that
man is
renewed by the Holy Spirit, and can fulfil righteousness with his
works,
and that God will, for His Son's sake accept in believers this
weak
beginning of obedience in this miserable, frail nature." (_Conf.
Prin.,_
596.)
Furthermore,
the Leipzig Interim indirectly admits the Semi-Pelagian
teaching
regarding original sin and free will, while other doctrines
which
should have been confessed are passed by in silence. It recognizes
the
supremacy of the Pope, restores the power and jurisdiction of the
bishops,
acknowledges the authority of the council, approves of a number
of
ceremonies objectionable as such (_e.g._, the Corpus Christi
Festival),
and advocates the reintroduction of these and others in order
to avoid
persecution and to maintain outward peace with the Papists.
Self-evidently,
in keeping with the Interim, the Pope also could no
longer be
regarded as, and publicly declared to be, the Antichrist. In
1561
Flacius wrote that at that time the suspected Lutherans did not
consider
the Pope the Antichrist. Simon Musaeus and others were banished
because
they refused to eliminate the hymn "Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem
Wort"
from their services. (Walther, 25.)--Such, then, being the
character
of the Leipzig Interim, it stands to reason that this
document,
adopted as it was by Melanchthon and other Lutheran leaders,
was bound
to become a fertile source of numerous and violent
controversies.
127.
Flacius and Other Opponents of Interimists.
The
Leipzig Interim was imposed upon the churches of Electoral Saxony as
a
directory for teaching, preaching, and worship. Melanchthon declared
that it
could be adopted with a good conscience, and hence should be
introduced,
as demanded by Maurice, in order to insure the peace of the
Church.
At Wittenberg and other places corresponding efforts were made.
But
everywhere the result was dissension and strife. The Interim
defeated
its own purpose. Pastors who declined to conform were deposed,
banished,
incarcerated or abused in other ways. And wherever faithful
ministers
were removed, the people refused to be served by the hirelings
who took
their places. At the very convention at Leipzig where the
Interim
was adopted, Wolfgang Pfentner, Superintendent at Annaberg,
declared:
"What caused them to reintroduce such tomfooleries [Romish
ceremonies]?
Were they growing childish again? They might do what they
wanted
to, but as for himself, he could not consent [to the Interim].
And even
if he should permit himself to be deceived, his parishioners
would not
accept it. For in a letter delivered by a messenger on
horseback
they had charged him to agree to no ungodly article, or not
return to
them. Accordingly, he would have his head cut off at Leipzig
and
suffer this with a good conscience rather than give offense to his
church."
(Walther, 22.)
December
24, three days after the adoption of the Interim,
representatives
of the cities in Saxony presented complaints to Elector
Maurice
and Melanchthon against some of the provisions of the document.
They
protested particularly against the reinstitution of Extreme
Unction,
the Festival of Corpus Christi, and the use of chrism at
Baptism.
(_C. R._ 7, 270.) Even the Wittenberg theologians finally
admitted
that in consequence of "the Interim the rupture had become so
great
that there was an agreement neither of one church with another,
nor, in
the same church, of any deacon, any schoolmaster, or sexton with
his
pastor, nor of one neighbor with another, nor of members of the
household
with one another." (Walther, 23.)
Foremost
among the champions of true Lutheranism over against the
Interimists
were John Hermann, Aquila, Nicholas Amsdorf, John Wigand,
Alberus,
Gallus, Matthias Judex, Westphal, and especially Matthias
Flacius
Illyricus, then (from 1544 to 1549) a member of the Wittenberg
faculty,
where he opposed all concessions to the Adiaphorists. It is
due, no
doubt, to Flacius more than to any other individual that true
Lutheranism
and with it the Lutheran Church was saved from annihilation
in
consequence of the Interims. In 1548 he began his numerous and
powerful
publications against them. In the same year, 1548, the
following
book of John Hermann appeared: "That during These Dangerous
Times
Nothing should be Changed in the Churches of God in Order to
Please
the Devil and the Antichrist." In 1549: "Against the Mean Devil
who Now
Again is Disguising Himself as an Angel of Light."
In 1549,
when he was no longer safe in Wittenberg, Flacius removed to
Magdeburg
then the only safe asylum in all Germany for such as were
persecuted
on account of their Lutheran faith and loyalty, where he was
joined by
such "exiles of Christ" as Wigand, Gallus, and others, who had
also been
banished and persecuted because of their opposition to the
Interim.
Here they inaugurated a powerful propaganda by publishing
broadsides
of annihilating pamphlets against the Interim, as well as its
authors,
patrons, and abettors. They roused the Lutheran consciousness
everywhere,
and before long the great majority of Lutherans stood behind
Flacius
and the heroes of Magdeburg. The publications emanating from
this
fortress caused such an aversion to the Adiaphoristic princes as
well as
theologians among the people that from the very outset all their
plans and
efforts were doomed to failure, and the sinister schemes of
the Pope
and Emperor were frustrated. Because of this able and staunch
defense
of Lutheranism and the determined opposition to any unionistic
compromise,
Magdeburg at that time was generally called "God's
chancellery,
_Gottes Kanzlei._" Nor did the opposition subside when this
Lutheran
stronghold, thrice outlawed by the Emperor, was finally, after
a siege
of thirteen months, captured by Maurice. In their attacks the
champions
of Magdeburg were joined also by the ministers of Hamburg and
other
places. Only in Saxony and Brandenburg the policy of Melanchthon
was
defended.
As the
conflict extended, it grew in bitterness, revealing with
increasing
luridness the insincerity and dishonesty of the Philippists.
True
Lutherans everywhere were satisfied that the adoption also of the
Leipzig
Interim was tantamount to a complete surrender of Lutheranism.
Their
animosity against this document was all the stronger because it
bore the
stamp of the Wittenberg and Leipzig theologians and was
sponsored
by Melanchthon, the very man whom they had regarded as
Luther's
successor and as the leader of the Church. This, too, was the
reason
why the Leipzig Interim caused even more resentment among the
Lutherans,
especially in Northern Germany, than did the Augsburg
Interim.
In their view, Melanchthon and his colleagues had betrayed the
cause of
the Reformation and practically joined their forces with those
of the
Romanists, even as Maurice had betrayed the Lutherans politically
when
fighting at the side of the Emperor against his own coreligionists.
Tschackert
remarks: "In view of the fact that at that time about 400
Evangelical
pastors in Southern Germany, because of their refusal to
adopt the
Augsburg Interim, had suffered themselves to be driven from
their
charges and homes and wandered about starving, many with their
wives and
children, the yielding of the theologians of Electoral Saxony
could but
appear as unpardonable and as a betrayal of the Church."
(508.)
128.
Grief over Melanchthon's Inconstancy.
In
consequence of his dubious attitude, Melanchthon also, who before
this had
been generally honored as the leader of the Lutheran Church,
completely
lost his prestige, even among many of his formerly most
devoted
friends. The grief and distress experienced by loyal Lutherans
at his
wavering and yielding is eloquently expressed by Antonius
Corvinus,
Superintendent at Kalenberg-Goettingen, the Lutheran martyr,
who,
because of his opposition to the Interim, was incarcerated for
three
years, in consequence of which he died, 1553. In a letter dated
September
25, 1549, he implored his friend to abandon the Interim, and
to
"return to his pristine candor, his pristine sincerity, and his
pristine
constancy," and "to think, say, write, and do what is becoming
to
Philip, the Christian teacher, not the court philosopher." Peace,
indeed,
was desirable, but it must not be obtained by distracting the
churches.
Christ had also declared that He did not come to bring peace,
but the
sword. Even the heathen Horatius Flaccus had said: "_Si fractus
illabitur
orbis, impavidum ferient ruinae._" How much more should
Christians
avoid cowardice! One must not court the cross wantonly, but
it must
be borne courageously when for the sake of truth it cannot be
avoided,
etc.
In the
original, Corvinus's letter reads, in part, as follows: "O mi
Philippe,
o, inquam, Philippe noster, rede per immortalem Christum ad
pristinum
candorem, ad pristinam sinceritatem ad pristinam constantiam!
Ne
languescito ista tua formidine ac pusillanimitate nostrorum animos
tantopere!...
Non sis tantorum in ecclesia offendiculorum autor! Ne
sinas,
tua tam egregia scripta, dicta, facta, quibus mirifice hactenus
de
ecclesia ac scholis meritus es, isto condonationis, novationis,
moderationis
naevo ad eum modum deformari! Cogita, quantum animi ista
vestra
consilia et adversariis addant et nostris adimant!... Rogamus,
ut,
professionis tuae memor, talem te cum Vitebergensibus tuis iam
geras,
qualem te ab initio huius causae gessisti, hoc est, ut ea
sentias,
dicas, scribas, agas, quae Philippum, doctorem Christianum, non
aulicum
philosophum decent." (Tschackert, 506.)
In a
similar manner Melanchthon was admonished also by Brenz, who
preferred
exile and misery to the Interim. In a letter written early in
1549 he
said: "It is also most manifest that the Interitus [Ruin, a term
employed
by Brenz for Interim] conflicts with the Word of the Lord. What
concord,
then, can be found between such conflicting things? You think
that one
ought to come to the assistance of the churches and pious
ministers.
Correct if such can be done without dishonor to Christ.
Perhaps
you believe that the Interimists will tolerate the pious
doctrine
if we agree to accept all their ceremonies. But do you not know
that it
is clearly commanded in the introduction of the Interitus that
no one
shall speak or write against this book? What kind of liberty in
regard to
doctrine is this? Therefore, if the Church and the pious
ministers
cannot be saved in any other way than by dishonoring the pious
doctrine,
let us commend them to Christ, the Son of God. He will take
care of
them. Meanwhile let us patiently bear our exile and wait for the
Lord."
(_C. R._ 7, 289.)
June 18,
1550, Calvin also wrote a letter of warning to Melanchthon, in
which he
said in substance: "My grief renders me almost speechless. How
the
enemies of Christ enjoy your conflicts with the Magdeburgers appears
from
their mockeries. Nor do I acquit you altogether of all guilt.
Permit me
to admonish you freely as a true friend. I should like to
approve
of all your actions. But now I accuse you before your very face
(_ego te
nunc apud te ipsum accuso_). This is the sum of your defense:
If the
purity of doctrine be retained, externals should not be
pertinaciously
contended for (_modo retineatur doctrinae puritas, de
rebus
externis non esse pertinaciter dimicandum_). But you extend the
adiaphora
too far. Some of them plainly conflict with the Word of God.
Now,
since the Lord has drawn us into the fight, it behooves us to
struggle
all the more manfully (_eo virilius nos eniti decebat_). You
know that
your position differs from that of the multitude. The
hesitation
of the general or leader is more disgraceful than the flight
of an
entire regiment of common soldiers. Unless you set an example of
unflinching
steadfastness, all will declare that vacillation cannot be
tolerated
in such a man. By yielding but a little, you alone have caused
more
lamentations and complaints than a hundred ordinary men by open
apostasy
(_Itaque plures tu unus paululum cedendo querimonias et gemitus
excitasti
quam centum mediocres aperta defectione_). I would die with
you a
hundred times rather than see you survive the doctrine surrendered
by you.
You will pardon me for unloading into your bosom these pitiable,
though
useless groans." (Schluesselburg 13, 635; _C. R._ 41 [_Calvini
Opera_
13], 593; Frank 4, 88.)
129.
Interim Eliminated Politically, But Not Theologically.
It was
also in the interest of allaying the animosity against his own
person
that Elector Maurice had prevailed upon Melanchthon to frame the
Leipzig
Interim. But in this respect, too, the document proved to be a
dismal
failure. Openly the people, his own former subjects included,
showed
their contempt for his person and character. Everywhere public
sentiment
was aroused against him. He was held responsible for the
captivity
and shameful treatment of Philip of Hesse and especially of
John
Frederick, whom the people admired as the Confessor of Augsburg and
now also
as the innocent Martyr of Lutheranism. Maurice, on the other
hand, was
branded a mameluke, condemned as a renegade and an apostate,
despised
as the traitor of Lutheranism, and abhorred as the "Judas of
Meissen,"
who had sold his coreligionists for an electorate.
At the
same time Maurice was provoked by the arbitrary manner in which
the
Emperor exploited and abused his victory by a repeated breach of his
promises,
and by the treacherous and shameful treatment accorded his
father-in-law,
Philip of Hesse. Chagrined at all this and fully
realizing
the utter impossibility of enforcing the Interim, Maurice
decided
to end the matter by a single stroke which at the same time
would
atone for his treachery, and turn shame into glory and the vile
name of a
"traitor" into the noble title of "Champion of
Protestantism."
Accordingly
Maurice, easily the match of Charles in duplicity and
cunning,
secretly prepared his plans, and, suddenly turning his army
against
the unsuspecting Emperor, drove him from Innsbruck, scared the
"Fathers
of Trent" to their homes, and on April 5, 1552, victoriously
entered
Augsburg, where he was received with great rejoicing. The fruits
of this
victory were the Treaties of Passau August 2, 1552, and of
Augsburg,
1555, which for the first time granted religious liberty to
the
Protestants. The latter placed Lutherans and Catholics on an equal
footing
in the Empire and, according to the rule: _Cuius regio, eius
religio,_
gave every prince religious control in his own territory,
non-conformists
being granted the right of emigration. To the great
advantage
of the Romanists, however, the treaty also provided that
territories
ruled by bishops must remain Catholic even though the ruler
should
turn Protestant.
But while
the Interim was thus eliminated as a political and practical
issue,
the theological controversy precipitated by it continued
unabated.
Its political elimination cleared the situation toward the
Romanists,
but left conditions within the Lutheran Church unsettled. It
neither
unified nor pacified the Church. It neither eliminated the false
doctrines
and unionistic principles and tendencies injected by the
Interimists,
nor did it restore confidence in the doctrinal soundness,
loyalty,
and sincerity of the vacillating Philippists, who had caused
the first
breach in the Lutheran Church. "Does it agree with the
character
of the Lutheran Church to tolerate and approve the doctrines
and
principles contained and involved in the Interim, and to harbor and
fellowship
such indifferentists as framed, indorsed, and defended this
document?"
such and similar were the questions which remained live
issues
even after the Interim was politically dead. The theological
situation
within the Lutheran Church, therefore, was not changed in the
least
when the annihilation threatening her from without was warded off
by the
victory of Maurice over the Emperor. The Interim was fraught with
doctrinal
issues which made unavoidable the subsequent controversies.
