Tuesday, June 16, 2015

Magna Carta - We Need Such from Our Political and Ecclesiastical Kings.
Intrepid Lutherans, Doug Lindee

Signing of the Magna Carta, Runnymede, 1215

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MONDAY, JUNE 15, 2015

Octocentennial of the “Magna Carta” and the Independence of the Church from the State.


Evil Tyrant, King John, signs the Magna Carta, Runnymede, 1215Today is the Octocentennial of one of the most important documents in Western history, the Magna Carta, or the “Great Charter. On the field of Runnymede, June 15, 1215, King John Lackland was forced by his Barons to sign a document that guaranteed certain Fundamental Liberties – protections from a monarchical system that so easily drifted into tyranny – that have endured to this day and are enshrined in our own U.S. Constitution. Indeed, Lord Alfred Denning described the Magna Carta as “the greatest constitutional document of all times – the foundation of the freedom of the individual against the arbitrary authority of the despot.

Those Fundamental Liberties include the following:
  1. Freedom of the Church from the Regulation of the State.
  2. Establishment of the Rule of Law, and Subjection of Governing Authorities to that Rule.
  3. The Right of the Governed to Material Participation, through Representation, in the Governing Process.
  4. The Right of the Accused to Trial by Jury.
  5. The Guarantee of Speedy Trial and Swift Justice
The Magna Carta was drafted by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Stephen Langton, and was based on an earlier document, the Charter of Liberties, issued by King Henry I on the date of his coronation, August 5, 1100. Much like the Declaration of Independence, both of these documents establish their authority by an appeal to God, and begin with the Foundation of all Civil Liberties: the Freedom of the Church from Regulation of the State.

The Magna Carta begins, as follows:
    “John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and count of Anjou, to the archbishop, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciaries, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his bailiffs and liege subjects, greetings. Know that, having regard to God and for the salvation of our soul, and those of all our ancestors and heirs, and unto the honor of God and the advancement of His holy Church and for the rectifying of our realm, we have granted as underwritten by advice of our venerable fathers...

    In the first place we have granted to God, and by this our present charter confirmed for us and our heirs forever that the English Church shall be free, and shall have her rights entire, and her liberties inviolate...”
And it reiterates this Foundational Liberty in its final sentences:
    Wherefore we will and firmly order that the English Church be free, and that the men in our kingdom have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably, freely and quietly, fully and wholly, for themselves and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all respects and in all places forever, as is aforesaid...”
Likewise, the Charter of Liberties begins with this same Fundamental Liberty:
    “Henry, king of the English, to Bishop Samson and Urso de Abetot and all his barons and faithful, both French and English, of Worcestershire, greeting...

    Know that by the mercy of God and the common counsel of the barons of the whole kingdom of England I have been crowned king of said kingdom; and because the kingdom had been oppressed by unjust exactions, I, through fear of God and the love which I have toward you all, in the first place make the holy church of God free, so that I will neither sell nor put to farm, nor on the death of archbishop or bishop or abbot will I take anything from the church’s demesne or from its men until the successor shall enter it. And I take away all the bad customs by which the kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed; which bad customs I here set down in part...”

Throughout history, the governed have generally found the true Christian Church to be their greatest advocate against thetyranny of government. It is truly a pity that in our day in age the people would rather cry, We have no God but Caesar!

So today, as the idea of Christianity as Liberty’s Foundation seems to be drifting entirely from social consciousness, let’s revive, for a moment, its memory, thank our Lord for those He has sent in defiance of tyranny, who, publicly appealing to Him, have established enduring principles of freedom, and pray that He not forget us in our current time, and raise to prominent status courageous souls who, not fearing to appeal to Him for authority in their claims, would once again sound the bells of Liberty.




The Charter of Liberties, A.D. 1100
(The Coronation Charter of Henry I)

Henry, king of the English, to Bishop Samson and Urso de Abetot and all his barons and faithful, both French and English, of Worcestershire, greeting.

1. Know that by the mercy of God and the common counsel of the barons of the whole kingdom of England I have been crowned king of said kingdom; and because the kingdom had been oppressed by unjust exactions, I, through fear of god and the love which I have toward you all, in the first place make the holy church of God free, so that I will neither sell nor put to farm, nor on the death of archbishop or bishop or abbot will I take anything from the church's demesne or from its men until the successor shall enter it. And I take away all the bad customs by which the kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed; which bad customs I here set down in part:

2. If any of my barons, earls, or others who hold of me shall have died, his heir shall not buy back his land as he used to do in the time of my brother, but he shall relieve it by a just and lawful relief. Likewise also the men of my barons shall relieve their lands from their lords by a just and lawful relief.

3. And if any of my barons or other men should wish to give his daughter, sister, niece, or kinswoman in marriage, let him speak with me about it; but I will neither take anything from him for this permission nor prevent his giving her unless he should be minded to join her to my enemy. And if, upon the death of a baron or other of my men, a daughter is left as heir, I will give her with her land by the advice of my barons. And if, on the death of her husband, the wife is left and without children, she shall have her dowry and right of marriage, and I will not give her to a husband unless according to her will.

4. But if a wife be left with children, she shall indeed have her dowry and right of marriage so long as she shall keep her body lawfully, and I will not give her unless according to her will. And the guardian of the land and children shall be either the wife or another of the relatives who more justly ought to be. And I command that my barons restrain themselves similarly in dealing with the sons and daughters or wives of their men.

5. The common seigniorage, which has been taken through the cities and counties, but which was not taken in the time of King Edward I absolutely forbid henceforth. If any one, whether a moneyer or other, be taken with false money, let due justice be done for it.

6. I remit all pleas and all debts which were owing to my brother, except my lawful fixed revenues and except those amounts which had been agreed upon for the inheritances of others or for things which more justly concerned others. And if any one had pledged anything for his own inheritance, I remit it; also all reliefs which had been agreed upon for just inheritances.

7. And if any of my barons or men shall grow feeble, as he shall give or arrange to give his money, I grant that it be so given. But if, prevented by arms or sickness, he shall not have given or arranged to give his money, his wife, children, relatives, or lawful men shall distribute it for the good of his soul as shall seem best to them.

8. If any of my barons or men commit a crime, he shall not bind himself to a payment at the king's mercy as he has been doing in the time of my father or my brother; but he shall make amends according to the extent of the crime as he would have done before the time of my father in the time of my other predecessors. But if he be convicted of treachery or heinous crime, he shall make amends as is just.

9. I forgive all murders committed before the day I was crowned king; and those which shall be committed in the future shall be justly compensated according to the law of King Edward.

10. By the common consent of my barons I have kept in my hands forests as my father had them.

11. To those knights who render military service for their lands I grant of my own gift that the lands of their demesne ploughs be free from all payments and all labor, so that, having been released from so great a burden, they may equip themselves well with horses and arms and be fully prepared for my service and the defense of my kingdom.

12. I impose a strict peace upon my whole kingdom and command that it be maintained henceforth.

13. I restore to you the law of King Edward with those amendments introduced into it by my father with the advice of his barons.

14. If any one, since the death of King William my brother, has taken anything belonging to me or to any one else, the whole is to be quickly restored without fine; but if any one keep anything of it, he upon whom it shall be found shall pay me a heavy fine.

Witnesses Maurice bishop of London, and William bishop elect of Winchester, and Gerard bishop of Hereford, and earl Henry, and earl Simon, and Walter Giffard,and Robert de Montfort, and Roger Bigot, and Eudo the steward, and Robert son of Hamo, and Robert Malet. At London when I was crowned. Farewell.



The MAGNA CARTA of A.D. 1215
(The Great Charter)

Preamble: John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and count of Anjou, to the archbishop, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciaries, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his bailiffs and liege subjects, greetings. Know that, having regard to God and for the salvation of our soul, and those of all our ancestors and heirs, and unto the honor of God and the advancement of his holy Church and for the rectifying of our realm, we have granted as underwritten by advice of our venerable fathers, Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry, archbishop of Dublin, William of London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelyn of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of Coventry, Benedict of Rochester, bishops; of Master Pandulf, subdeacon and member of the household of our lord the Pope, of brother Aymeric (master of the Knights of the Temple in England), and of the illustrious men William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, William, earl of Salisbury, William, earl of Warenne, William, earl of Arundel, Alan of Galloway (constable of Scotland), Waren Fitz Gerold, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert De Burgh (seneschal of Poitou), Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip d'Aubigny, Robert of Roppesley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and others, our liegemen.

1. In the first place we have granted to God, and by this our present charter confirmed for us and our heirs forever that the English Church shall be free, and shall have her rights entire, and her liberties inviolate; and we will that it be thus observed; which is apparent from this that the freedom of elections, which is reckoned most important and very essential to the English Church, we, of our pure and unconstrained will, did grant, and did by our charter confirm and did obtain the ratification of the same from our lord, Pope Innocent III, before the quarrel arose between us and our barons: and this we will observe, and our will is that it be observed in good faith by our heirs forever. We have also granted to all freemen of our kingdom, for us and our heirs forever, all the underwritten liberties, to be had and held by them and their heirs, of us and our heirs forever.

2. If any of our earls or barons, or others holding of us in chief by military service shall have died, and at the time of his death his heir shall be full of age and owe “relief”, he shall have his inheritance by the old relief, to wit, the heir or heirs of an earl, for the whole barony of an earl by £100; the heir or heirs of a baron, £100 for a whole barony; the heir or heirs of a knight, 100s, at most, and whoever owes less let him give less, according to the ancient custom of fees.

3. If, however, the heir of any one of the aforesaid has been under age and in wardship, let him have his inheritance without relief and without fine when he comes of age.

4. The guardian of the land of an heir who is thus under age, shall take from the land of the heir nothing but reasonable produce, reasonable customs, and reasonable services, and that without destruction or waste of men or goods; and if we have committed the wardship of the lands of any such minor to the sheriff, or to any other who is responsible to us for its issues, and he has made destruction or waster of what he holds in wardship, we will take of him amends, and the land shall be committed to two lawful and discreet men of that fee, who shall be responsible for the issues to us or to him to whom we shall assign them; and if we have given or sold the wardship of any such land to anyone and he has therein made destruction or waste, he shall lose that wardship, and it shall be transferred to two lawful and discreet men of that fief, who shall be responsible to us in like manner as aforesaid.

5. The guardian, moreover, so long as he has the wardship of the land, shall keep up the houses, parks, fishponds, stanks, mills, and other things pertaining to the land, out of the issues of the same land; and he shall restore to the heir, when he has come to full age, all his land, stocked with ploughs and wainage, according as the season of husbandry shall require, and the issues of the land can reasonable bear.

6. Heirs shall be married without disparagement, yet so that before the marriage takes place the nearest in blood to that heir shall have notice.

7. A widow, after the death of her husband, shall forthwith and without difficulty have her marriage portion and inheritance; nor shall she give anything for her dower, or for her marriage portion, or for the inheritance which her husband and she held on the day of the death of that husband; and she may remain in the house of her husband for forty days after his death, within which time her dower shall be assigned to her.

8. No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she prefers to live without a husband; provided always that she gives security not to marry without our consent, if she holds of us, or without the consent of the lord of whom she holds, if she holds of another.

9. Neither we nor our bailiffs will seize any land or rent for any debt, as long as the chattels of the debtor are sufficient to repay the debt; nor shall the sureties of the debtor be distrained so long as the principal debtor is able to satisfy the debt; and if the principal debtor shall fail to pay the debt, having nothing wherewith to pay it, then the sureties shall answer for the debt; and let them have the lands and rents of the debtor, if they desire them, until they are indemnified for the debt which they have paid for him, unless the principal debtor can show proof that he is discharged thereof as against the said sureties.

10. If one who has borrowed from the Jews any sum, great or small, die before that loan be repaid, the debt shall not bear interest while the heir is under age, of whomsoever he may hold; and if the debt fall into our hands, we will not take anything except the principal sum contained in the bond.

11. And if anyone die indebted to the Jews, his wife shall have her dower and pay nothing of that debt; and if any children of the deceased are left under age, necessaries shall be provided for them in keeping with the holding of the deceased; and out of the residue the debt shall be paid, reserving, however, service due to feudal lords; in like manner let it be done touching debts due to others than Jews.

12. No scutage not aid shall be imposed on our kingdom, unless by common counsel of our kingdom, except for ransoming our person, for making our eldest son a knight, and for once marrying our eldest daughter; and for these there shall not be levied more than a reasonable aid. In like manner it shall be done concerning aids from the city of London.

13. And the city of London shall have all it ancient liberties and free customs, as well by land as by water; furthermore, we decree and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall have all their liberties and free customs.

14. And for obtaining the common counsel of the kingdom anent the assessing of an aid (except in the three cases aforesaid) or of a scutage, we will cause to be summoned the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons, severally by our letters; and we will moreover cause to be summoned generally, through our sheriffs and bailiffs, and others who hold of us in chief, for a fixed date, namely, after the expiry of at least forty days, and at a fixed place; and in all letters of such summons we will specify the reason of the summons. And when the summons has thus been made, the business shall proceed on the day appointed, according to the counsel of such as are present, although not all who were summoned have come.

15. We will not for the future grant to anyone license to take an aid from his own free tenants, except to ransom his person, to make his eldest son a knight, and once to marry his eldest daughter; and on each of these occasions there shall be levied only a reasonable aid.

16. No one shall be distrained for performance of greater service for a knight’s fee, or for any other free tenement, than is due therefrom.

17. Common pleas shall not follow our court, but shall be held in some fixed place.

18. Inquests of novel disseisin, of mort d'ancestor, and of darrein presentment shall not be held elsewhere than in their own county courts, and that in manner following; – We, or, if we should be out of the realm, our chief justiciar, will send two justiciaries through every county four times a year, who shall alone with four knights of the county chosen by the county, hold the said assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place of meeting of that court.

19. And if any of the said assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, let there remain of the knights and freeholders, who were present at the county court on that day, as many as may be required for the efficient making of judgments, according as the business be more or less.

20. A freeman shall not be amerced for a slight offense, except in accordance with the degree of the offense; and for a grave offense he shall be amerced in accordance with the gravity of the offense, yet saving always his “contentment”; and a merchant in the same way, saving his “merchandise”; and a villein shall be amerced in the same way, saving his “wainage” if they have fallen into our mercy: and none of the aforesaid amercements shall be imposed except by the oath of honest men of the neighborhood.

21. Earls and barons shall not be amerced except through their peers, and only in accordance with the degree of the offense.

22. A clerk shall not be amerced in respect of his lay holding except after the manner of the others aforesaid; further, he shall not be amerced in accordance with the extent of his ecclesiastical benefice.

23. No village or individual shall be compelled to make bridges at river banks, except those who from of old were legally bound to do so.

24. No sheriff, constable, coroners, or others of our bailiffs, shall hold pleas of our Crown.

25. All counties, hundred, wapentakes, and trithings (except our demesne manors) shall remain at the old rents, and without any additional payment.

26. If anyone holding of us a lay fief shall die, and our sheriff or bailiff shall exhibit our letters patent of summons for a debt which the deceased owed us, it shall be lawful for our sheriff or bailiff to attach and enroll the chattels of the deceased, found upon the lay fief, to the value of that debt, at the sight of law worthy men, provided always that nothing whatever be thence removed until the debt which is evident shall be fully paid to us; and the residue shall be left to the executors to fulfill the will of the deceased; and if there be nothing due from him to us, all the chattels shall go to the deceased, saving to his wife and children their reasonable shares.

27. If any freeman shall die intestate, his chattels shall be distributed by the hands of his nearest kinsfolk and friends, under supervision of the Church, saving to every one the debts which the deceased owed to him.

28. No constable or other bailiff of ours shall take corn or other provisions from anyone without immediately tendering money therefor, unless he can have postponement thereof by permission of the seller.

29. No constable shall compel any knight to give money in lieu of castle-guard, when he is willing to perform it in his own person, or (if he himself cannot do it from any reasonable cause) then by another responsible man. Further, if we have led or sent him upon military service, he shall be relieved from guard in proportion to the time during which he has been on service because of us.

30. No sheriff or bailiff of ours, or other person, shall take the horses or carts of any freeman for transport duty, against the will of the said freeman.

31. Neither we nor our bailiffs shall take, for our castles or for any other work of ours, wood which is not ours, against the will of the owner of that wood.

32. We will not retain beyond one year and one day, the lands those who have been convicted of felony, and the lands shall thereafter be handed over to the lords of the fiefs.

33. All kiddles for the future shall be removed altogether from Thames and Medway, and throughout all England, except upon the seashore.

34. The writ which is called praecipe shall not for the future be issued to anyone, regarding any tenement whereby a freeman may lose his court.

35. Let there be one measure of wine throughout our whole realm; and one measure of ale; and one measure of corn, to wit, “the London quarter”; and one width of cloth (whether dyed, or russet, or “halberget”), to wit, two ells within the selvedges; of weights also let it be as of measures.

36. Nothing in future shall be given or taken for a writ of inquisition of life or limbs, but freely it shall be granted, and never denied.

37. If anyone holds of us by fee-farm, either by socage or by burage, or of any other land by knight’s service, we will not (by reason of that fee-farm, socage, or burgage), have the wardship of the heir, or of such land of his as if of the fief of that other; nor shall we have wardship of that fee-farm, socage, or burgage, unless such fee-farm owes knight’s service. We will not by reason of any small serjeanty which anyone may hold of us by the service of rendering to us knives, arrows, or the like, have wardship of his heir or of the land which he holds of another lord by knight’s service.

38. No bailiff for the future shall, upon his own unsupported complaint, put anyone to his “law”, without credible witnesses brought for this purposes.

39. No freemen shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or exiled or in any way destroyed, nor will we go upon him nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.

40. To no one will we sell, to no one will we refuse or delay, right or justice.

41. All merchants shall have safe and secure exit from England, and entry to England, with the right to tarry there and to move about as well by land as by water, for buying and selling by the ancient and right customs, quit from all evil tolls, except (in time of war) such merchants as are of the land at war with us. And if such are found in our land at the beginning of the war, they shall be detained, without injury to their bodies or goods, until information be received by us, or by our chief justiciar, how the merchants of our land found in the land at war with us are treated; and if our men are safe there, the others shall be safe in our land.

42. It shall be lawful in future for anyone (excepting always those imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of the kingdom, and natives of any country at war with us, and merchants, who shall be treated as if above provided) to leave our kingdom and to return, safe and secure by land and water, except for a short period in time of war, on grounds of public policy- reserving always the allegiance due to us.

43. If anyone holding of some escheat (such as the honor of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other escheats which are in our hands and are baronies) shall die, his heir shall give no other relief, and perform no other service to us than he would have done to the baron if that barony had been in the baron’s hand; and we shall hold it in the same manner in which the baron held it.

44. Men who dwell without the forest need not henceforth come before our justiciaries of the forest upon a general summons, unless they are in plea, or sureties of one or more, who are attached for the forest.

45. We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs only such as know the law of the realm and mean to observe it well.

46. All barons who have founded abbeys, concerning which they hold charters from the kings of England, or of which they have long continued possession, shall have the wardship of them, when vacant, as they ought to have.

47. All forests that have been made such in our time shall forthwith be disafforested; and a similar course shall be followed with regard to river banks that have been placed “in defense” by us in our time.

48. All evil customs connected with forests and warrens, foresters and warreners, sheriffs and their officers, river banks and their wardens, shall immediately by inquired into in each county by twelve sworn knights of the same county chosen by the honest men of the same county, and shall, within forty days of the said inquest, be utterly abolished, so as never to be restored, provided always that we previously have intimation thereof, or our justiciar, if we should not be in England.

49. We will immediately restore all hostages and charters delivered to us by Englishmen, as sureties of the peace of faithful service.

50. We will entirely remove from their bailiwicks, the relations of Gerard of Athee (so that in future they shall have no bailiwick in England); namely, Engelard of Cigogne, Peter, Guy, and Andrew of Chanceaux, Guy of Cigogne, Geoffrey of Martigny with his brothers, Philip Mark with his brothers and his nephew Geoffrey, and the whole brood of the same.

51. As soon as peace is restored, we will banish from the kingdom all foreign born knights, crossbowmen, serjeants, and mercenary soldiers who have come with horses and arms to the kingdom’s hurt.

52. If anyone has been dispossessed or removed by us, without the legal judgment of his peers, from his lands, castles, franchises, or from his right, we will immediately restore them to him; and if a dispute arise over this, then let it be decided by the five and twenty barons of whom mention is made below in the clause for securing the peace. Moreover, for all those possessions, from which anyone has, without the lawful judgment of his peers, been disseised or removed, by our father, King Henry, or by our brother, King Richard, and which we retain in our hand (or which as possessed by others, to whom we are bound to warrant them) we shall have respite until the usual term of crusaders; excepting those things about which a plea has been raised, or an inquest made by our order, before our taking of the cross; but as soon as we return from the expedition, we will immediately grant full justice therein.

53. We shall have, moreover, the same respite and in the same manner in rendering justice concerning the disafforestation or retention of those forests which Henry our father and Richard our brother afforested, and concerning the wardship of lands which are of the fief of another (namely, such wardships as we have hitherto had by reason of a fief which anyone held of us by knight’s service), and concerning abbeys founded on other fiefs than our own, in which the lord of the fee claims to have right; and when we have returned, or if we desist from our expedition, we will immediately grant full justice to all who complain of such things.

54. No one shall be arrested or imprisoned upon the appeal of a woman, for the death of any other than her husband.

55. All fines made with us unjustly and against the law of the land, and all amercements, imposed unjustly and against the law of the land, shall be entirely remitted, or else it shall be done concerning them according to the decision of the five and twenty barons whom mention is made below in the clause for securing the peace, or according to the judgment of the majority of the same, along with the aforesaid Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as he may wish to bring with him for this purpose, and if he cannot be present the business shall nevertheless proceed without him, provided always that if any one or more of the aforesaid five and twenty barons are in a similar suit, they shall be removed as far as concerns this particular judgment, others being substituted in their places after having been selected by the rest of the same five and twenty for this purpose only, and after having been sworn.

56. If we have disseised or removed Welshmen from lands or liberties, or other things, without the legal judgment of their peers in England or in Wales, they shall be immediately restored to them; and if a dispute arise over this, then let it be decided in the marches by the judgment of their peers; for the tenements in England according to the law of England, for tenements in Wales according to the law of Wales, and for tenements in the marches according to the law of the marches. Welshmen shall do the same to us and ours.

57. Further, for all those possessions from which any Welshman has, without the lawful judgment of his peers, been disseised or removed by King Henry our father, or King Richard our brother, and which we retain in our hand (or which are possessed by others, and which we ought to warrant), we will have respite until the usual term of crusaders; excepting those things about which a plea has been raised or an inquest made by our order before we took the cross; but as soon as we return (or if perchance we desist from our expedition), we will immediately grant full justice in accordance with the laws of the Welsh and in relation to the foresaid regions.

58. We will immediately give up the son of Llywelyn and all the hostages of Wales, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace.

59. We will do towards Alexander, king of Scots, concerning the return of his sisters and his hostages, and concerning his franchises, and his right, in the same manner as we shall do towards our other barons of England, unless it ought to be otherwise according to the charters which we hold from William his father, formerly king of Scots; and this shall be according to the judgment of his peers in our court.

60. Moreover, all these aforesaid customs and liberties, the observances of which we have granted in our kingdom as far as pertains to us towards our men, shall be observed b all of our kingdom, as well clergy as laymen, as far as pertains to them towards their men.

61. Since, moreover, for God and the amendment of our kingdom and for the better allaying of the quarrel that has arisen between us and our barons, we have granted all these concessions, desirous that they should enjoy them in complete and firm endurance forever, we give and grant to them the underwritten security, namely, that the barons choose five and twenty barons of the kingdom, whomsoever they will, who shall be bound with all their might, to observe and hold, and cause to be observed, the peace and liberties we have granted and confirmed to them by this our present Charter, so that if we, or our justiciar, or our bailiffs or any one of our officers, shall in anything be at fault towards anyone, or shall have broken any one of the articles of this peace or of this security, and the offense be notified to four barons of the foresaid five and twenty, the said four barons shall repair to us (or our justiciar, if we are out of the realm) and, laying the transgression before us, petition to have that transgression redressed without delay. And if we shall not have corrected the transgression (or, in the event of our being out of the realm, if our justiciar shall not have corrected it) within forty days, reckoning from the time it has been intimated to us (or to our justiciar, if we should be out of the realm), the four barons aforesaid shall refer that matter to the rest of the five and twenty barons, and those five and twenty barons shall, together with the community of the whole realm, distrain and distress us in all possible ways, namely, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, and in any other way they can, until redress has been obtained as they deem fit, saving harmless our own person, and the persons of our queen and children; and when redress has been obtained, they shall resume their old relations towards us. And let whoever in the country desires it, swear to obey the orders of the said five and twenty barons for the execution of all the aforesaid matters, and along with them, to molest us to the utmost of his power; and we publicly and freely grant leave to everyone who wishes to swear, and we shall never forbid anyone to swear. All those, moreover, in the land who of themselves and of their own accord are unwilling to swear to the twenty five to help them in constraining and molesting us, we shall by our command compel the same to swear to the effect foresaid. And if any one of the five and twenty barons shall have died or departed from the land, or be incapacitated in any other manner which would prevent the foresaid provisions being carried out, those of the said twenty five barons who are left shall choose another in his place according to their own judgment, and he shall be sworn in the same way as the others. Further, in all matters, the execution of which is entrusted,to these twenty five barons, if perchance these twenty five are present and disagree about anything, or if some of them, after being summoned, are unwilling or unable to be present, that which the majority of those present ordain or command shall be held as fixed and established, exactly as if the whole twenty five had concurred in this; and the said twenty five shall swear that they will faithfully observe all that is aforesaid, and cause it to be observed with all their might. And we shall procure nothing from anyone, directly or indirectly, whereby any part of these concessions and liberties might be revoked or diminished; and if any such things has been procured, let it be void and null, and we shall never use it personally or by another.

62. And all the will, hatreds, and bitterness that have arisen between us and our men, clergy and lay, from the date of the quarrel, we have completely remitted and pardoned to everyone. Moreover, all trespasses occasioned by the said quarrel, from Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign till the restoration of peace, we have fully remitted to all, both clergy and laymen, and completely forgiven, as far as pertains to us. And on this head, we have caused to be made for them letters testimonial patent of the lord Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, of the lord Henry, archbishop of Dublin, of the bishops aforesaid, and of Master Pandulf as touching this security and the concessions aforesaid.

63. Wherefore we will and firmly order that the English Church be free, and that the men in our kingdom have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably, freely and quietly, fully and wholly, for themselves and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all respects and in all places forever, as is aforesaid. An oath, moreover, has been taken, as well on our part as on the art of the barons, that all these conditions aforesaid shall be kept in good faith and without evil intent.

Given under our hand – the above named and many others being witnesses – in the meadow which is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June, in the seventeenth year of our reign.
    A. White & W. Notestein. (1915). Source Problems in English History. (Quoted from McKechnie, Magna Carta 2ndEd. pp. 185-479, passim.). From the Appendix. pp. 380-396.

Monday, June 15, 2015

Redudiation of Jay Webber's OJ Essay - Part Eight.
Gross Errors about Luther, Melanchthon, Chemnitz, Gerhard, and Calov.
The Forgotten Robert Preus Book on Justification

Webber seems to know Calov better than Dr. Robert Preus,
who quoted Calov against UOJ.
Webber thinks Calov belong to his group of Halle cheerleaders.

Webber and WELS want to make Chemnitz co-laborer a UOJ Stormtrooper,
but does this passage support their claim?
WELS labels all justification by faith quotations as
MISLEADING! in their dogmatics notes for poor, stupid seminary students.


Repudiation of Jay Webber's OJ Essay at Emmaus

G. The Formula of Concord’s Teaching and Luther’s Teaching

Webber declared:
At the end of Article III of the Solid Declaration of the Formula of Concord, which deals
with the subject of the righteousness of faith, we read: “For any further, necessary explanation of this lofty and sublime article on justification before God, upon which the salvation of our souls depends, we wish to recommend to everyone the wonderful, magnificent exposition by Dr. Luther of St. Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians, and for the sake of brevity we refer to it at this point.”28 That is a pretty weighty endorsement of Luther’s Lectures on Galatians! And it is a worthy endorsement, because these lectures do indeed embody some of the best material produced by the older Luther – on justification itself, and on the other articles of faith that are organically connected to justification. (p. 23)

Every UOJ writers lays down a smokescreen of praise for Luther, as if the Reformer invented their strange, anti-Christian, dual-justification labels. As expected Webber employs the same trick, conjuring the name Luther while imposing the dogma of Stephan’s Pietism –




Webber:
And as we would expect, the Galatians Lectures do address the subject of justification and forgiveness according to the objective and subjective categories – even though that terminology is not employed in so many words. (p. 23)

How fascinating! Unknowing, Luther anticipated the discovery of UOJ and even addressed it in his most important commentary. Has Webber read the Galatians Commentary, word for word? Or has he only glanced through it to find his imaginary seeds of UOJ, ready to sprout at the culmination of all ecclesiastical history – the formation of the ELS?

The theme of the commentary is to contrast justification by faith with justification by works. Webber strains to emphasize the death of Christ for “all sinners” as if he is arguing with someone. Justification does not deny the Atonement, the Redemption of the world. But the Biblical teaching of justification by faith does reject the skewering of forgiveness by having OJ pronounce a universal absolution as the true Gospel, a justification -
  • Without the Spirit,
  • Without the Word,
  • Without the Means of Grace,
  • Wthout faith.

This doctrinal incompetence puts Webber, Buchholz, Pope John the Malefactor, and others in a quandary. Following the early Robert Preus, the Atonement is not Objective Justification. But Webber and the entire clown cast – from Stephan-Walther-Pieper to Valleskey to Cascione-McCain – jump on every Atonement passage in the Bible, the Confessions, and Luther and exclaim with boyish delight – “Another OJ passage! Lutheran justification is indeed OJ/SJ!”

But they are terribly wrong and confusing everyone who tries to comprehend their delusion while comparing it to simple, clear Biblical truths. The Atonement is the Gospel, and this Gospel fulfillment of Isaiah 53 produces faith when the Spirit works through the Word to distribute the treasure – Christ’s death for all sinners.

Portraying justification as universal absolution reduces the Means of Grace to a label. Given the origin of Objective Justification outside of the Lutheran Church, and observing its continued existence among the cults and mainline apostates, it is not surprising to find the Means of Grace discarded, disregarded, and disrespected in the worship life – or rather the entertainment seeker services – of the “conservative” Lutherans. Nor have the demi-semi-high church Lutherans found any weapon against the rapid encroachment of this true revelation of the evil of UOJ.

This dogma of Calvinists and Pietists could not stop the radical attack on the Bible in the LCMS and WELS, the blossoming of the Pentecostal movement among Lutherans, and the putrification of Church Growth in all of them – from the dying ELCA to the equally moribund, tiny Church of the Lutheran Confession (sic).



Webber is so intent on making Luther a UOJ Stormtrooper that he says this:
“The objective consequence of Christ’s work, and the content of the gospel that is now to be preached for salvation, is that in Christ there is no more judgment, no more wrath, and no more damnation. The gospel is not a message merely that a way for these things to be abolished in the future is now available.(p. 26f.) GJ – The second sentence is a muddled mess.

This MDiv is truly befuddled by Christian doctrine. He continually labels the entire world “in Christ” when that Biblical phrase only applies to believers - frequently used in the New Testament. Is there a single reference to unbelievers being “in Christ”?

But there is condemnation, as Luther observed. The Holy Spirit convicts the world of sin – because they do not believe on Him. John 16:8f. Moreover, as Luther taught, this is the foundational sin, unbelief, from which all sin is derived.



Webber - again:
Luther very artfully compares and contrasts what we would describe as the objective and subjective aspects of God’s forgiveness. (p. 27)

Now Webber has thrown his lot in with Luther and admires the Reformer for using the OJ/SJ labels without knowing it. I have no issue with Luther, but if Webber agrees with Luther – how can he agree with Woods-Knapp, Stephan, Walther, Pieper, JP Meyer, Valleskey, and Buchholz?

Another question is even more obvious – If Webber agrees with Luther, then why does he disagree with all of us who know, understand, believe, and teach justification by faith – the Chief Article he mocks so often in this endless, pointless paper.

Webber climaxes this section with an amusing paragraph, where he looks at Luther and sees himself in the mirror –

And yet, as Luther also emphasizes, it is only in the application, and in the faith which the Holy Spirit works in Christians, that believers are personally liberated from the kingdom and tyranny of sin and death. Without the converting and regenerating work of the Spirit – through the means of grace – the absolution of “everyone” does not actually benefit everyone. Ultimately, that absolution benefits only those who do eventually receive it by faith. (p. 29)

Thus Webber teaches a justification without faith, without real forgiveness, and an absolution without effect – prefiguring his doctrinal essay without Christian doctrine, except in the Luther and Book of Concord quotations he parodies in other places.



Part II: Why Objective Justification Matters to Us

A. Luther and the Theologians of the Age of Orthodoxy p. 29

This reminds me of being lost on the way home to Springdale. The signage was confusing because of the new I-49 designation being incomplete. We passed the same elegant bridge twice in one hour of wandering. Not again!

After displaying complete ignorance of Luther and incomprehension of the Reformer’s message, Webber raises up Luther again.

Once again Webber offers the class notes or Cliff Notes version of church history. Those after Luther used philosophical categories. Melanchthon is cited as guilty, but I have never read an essay more grace-filled than Phillip’s treatment of justification by faith in the Apology. Has Webber read it with discernment? I think not.

Another consideration is worth noting for those who only graduated from seminary and never defended a real dissertation, a book, an article, or a review. Was it not God’s will that the Gospel would be conveyed in the Greek language, thanks to Alexander the Great creating a Hellenistic culture and Constantine a Christian, Greek empire?

The Reformation took place after 15 centuries of philosophical development, in Greek and Latin. The greatest early theologian was Augustine, master of the culture of his time, author of The City of God, which blended all things classical with Biblical teaching. Much more could be said about Aquinas, who used Aristotle as his basis, defending Rome in clear Medieval Latin. Therefore, the Reformation had to speak to the culture of the time, especially when Protestant and Roman Catholic opponents sought to defeat the Lutherans with these philosophical tools. Luther could and did use those tools against his opponents, and he had the greatest respect for Melanchthon’s grasp and teaching of the Gospel. Luther hurled some barbs about Aristotle, but theology and philosophy were joined together then and still are today. Unfortunately, almost all modern theologians are post-Kantian Halle rationalists, who use the religious terms without believing anything.

Webber compares the simplicity of Luther’s expressions with the complexity of Gerhard’s, (p. 32) but I could easily quote the simplicity of Gerhard against the complexity of Luther at his finest – in the Galatians Commentary, which Webber has not read. Luther uses many pages explaining the obscure terms of congruous and incongruous grace, Roman Catholic terms, precisely as the papists define the terms, but then deconstructing every possible prop for those terms.

Gerhard taught justification by faith and his definition allows no room for UOJ, so perhaps Webber has not forgiven Chemnitz’ co-laborer for slighting Jay’s favorite dogma. Webber is the genius who offered Rambach’s Pietist perspective over Chemnitz’ – in dealing with 1 Timothy 3:16, so we all know the cards are being dealt from the bottom of the deck.

I would ask Pastor Paul Rydecki,
who translated Gerhard and Hunnius,
but English-only Webber wanted Rydecki kicked out of WELS.


Webber cited Rydecki on page 32, but where is Rydecki in the references? Such sloppiness would get a paper tossed out of a graduate school class. It is dishonest and craven. Aegidius Hunnius, Theses Opposed to Huberism: A Defense of the Lutheran Doctrine of Justification (translated by Paul A. Rydecki) (Malone, Texas: Repristination Press, 2012), p. 57. Emphases in original.

Ho hum. Webber tries to extricate himself from his basic agreement with Huber, the first Lutheran to teach OJ. Walther made the same attempt, but he was the born-again founder of the Missouri Synod who conceded that Stephan was “a bit of a Pietist.” (Servant of the Word, humor section)

And Gerhard taught OJ, says Webber – just like Luther? Once again there is a paradox, where someone mocks justification by faith and declares he is one with a teaching of Biblical justification.

Robert Preus is quoted many times in this essay,
but never from his final book.


Calov is also cited in this section (p. 36) as being one with UOJ Enthusiasts, an old claim exploded by Robert Preus himself. As mentioned before, Webber’s years at Ft. Wayne preclude his denial of Justification and Rome’s message. An ELCA pastor would not know or care about Robert Preus, but Webber took his diploma from Preus. How can this major book be ignored when none of us can claim the knowledge of the post-Concord theologians that Robert Preus had.

Let me pose a question. Does anything think a man who knows neither Luther, nor Melanchthon, nor the Book of Concord is magically an expert on the incredibly productive Gerhard and Calov? Each man’s work is like the Great Pyramid. We would not believe it humanly possible except for the fact that the dual monuments of Biblical scholarship exist today as proof of their prolific genius.

B. Justification in the Narrow Sense and in a Broader Sense


p. 36


Preus quoted this later theologian with approval,
but Webber was too timid to quote from his own teacher's last book.
Why?




Creatures Are Always Fed, Watered, and Bathed at the Jackson Rose Farm

Early blooming roses attract bees, of course,
and their pests attract ichneumon wasps and flower flies.
I have seen both on my roses.

One well worn myth is, "You have to keep feeding the birds, or they will be dependent on you and starve when you go on vacation." Perhaps that means we should not feed them at all.

God feeds His creatures. As one UOP friend pointed out, He is always balancing His Creation. A plague of tree-destroying insects will attract a horde of parasitic wasps that feed on them. The plants send up a chemical signal that brings in the paratroopers, who land, breed, and go to work. There are interesting complications in this, such as the insect that will not lay eggs to parasitize the plant unless there is damage first. That may explain the delay in the rescue attempts.

We can only help feed the creatures. Birds only get about 15% of their needs from us, and many people feed them the equivalent of snack food, not enough to live on and not solid enough to raise the kids, who like their meat extra rare and often still wiggling.

If I neglect to feed the birds one day, they still have suet (kidney fat) and leftover seed scattered around. I found the peanut flavor suet is creating a feeding frenzy among the starlings. Four or more line up to have flavored suet - wouldn't you?

The finch bird feeder takes about a month to empty, used mainly by finches, chickadees and sparrows - ignored by the squirrels.

The sunflowers are starting to bloom, so they will have fresh seed available. Meanwhile, the beneficial insects will feed on the sunflowers and find a haven there. I have seen grasshoppers resting on sunflowers and roses alike, but less a threat to the plants as an offering to the birds.

They always have the two community pools in which to bathe and drink. One is already cut down to guarantee shallow walls, less of a threat, and easy cleaning. Popular? you ask. In 24 hours the water is loaded with dirt washed off the birds, so I dump it (recycling my birdfood) into the garden and refill with fresh water.

Besides that I have about 12 shallow dishes for bathing and drinking. The birds splash them and drink them empty in one day, often in the morning and afternoon. I water the dishes with the new plants.

And let us not forget - Jackson Mulch is one of the best bird feeders. Beneath a layer of newspapers and wood mulch, many creatures dine and multiply. The birds see their movement and pounce.

Cardinals feed near me now,
even though they are a shy bird.


Diversity Feeds
Even a change in bird food will bring new birds to the feeding areas. I combine nut and fruit blend with ordinary sunflower seeds. I get more species that way.

But that also applies to plants. Many plants provide food and shelter for insects, who also provide food for the birds. Still other insects, far more than I ever imagined, feed upon their fellow bugs.

I am working on increasing the variety of plants in the backyard.

When I grow potatoes in the backyard next year, I will sow buckwheat nearby because of buckwheat harboring insects that eat the potato bug.

I hear the crow more than I see him.
They are large, powerful pest destroyers.

Part 7 - Repudiating Jay Webber's OJ Essay References at Emmaus.
One-Sided, Sloppy, Tendentious

Carl Gausewitz, Synodical Conference President,
Missing in Action, Webber essay
Jay Webber’s Sloppy, One-Sided References, p. 53f.

The present essay is chiefly a work of historical theology. We have explored the question of what our forefathers in the faith believed and taught with respect to the matter of objective and subjective justification, and why. We have also sought to learn some lessons from this history for the well-being of the church in our own time. We have endeavored not to duplicate the fine work that has been done by others over the years, in explicating the doctrine of justification in all of its parts from the perspective of exegetical theology and pastoral theology, or in addressing the historical dimensions of this subject in ways that focus on times and places other than where our focus has been. The following bibliography is comprised of such other writings, which we
recommend for further study:

Buchholz, Jon D. “Jesus Canceled Your Debt!” 2012. Available online.
Curia, Rick Nicholas. The Significant History of the Doctrine of Objective or Universal Justification among the Churches of the Former Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America. 1983. Available online.

Hardt, Tom G. A. “Justification and Easter: A Study in Subjective and Objective Justification in Lutheran Theology,” in A Lively Legacy: Essays in Honor of Robert Preus, edited by Kurt E. Marquart, John R. Stephenson, and Bjarne W. Teigen. Fort Wayne: Concordia Theological Seminary, 1985. The Hardt essay is available online.

Marquart, Kurt E. “Objective Justification.” 1998. Available online.

Marquart, Kurt E. “The Reformation Roots of Objective Justification,” in A Lively Legacy: Essays in Honor of Robert Preus. The Marquart essay is available online.

Preus, Herman Amberg. “The Justification of the World.” 1874. Translated by Herbert Larson. Available online.

Preus, Robert D. “Objective Justification.” Concordia Theological Seminary Newsletter (Spring 1981). Available online.

Preus, Robert D., compiler. Selected Articles on Objective Justification. Fort Wayne: Concordia Theological Seminary Press, n.d. Available online. The authors of the articles in this collection are W. Arndt, H. J. Bouman, Theodore Engelder, Martin H. Franzmann, Edward W. A. Koehler, and George Stoeckhardt.

Schurb, Ken R. Does the Lutheran Confessions’ Emphasis on Subjective Justification Mitigate Their Teaching of Objective Justification? 1982. Available online.

Walther, C. F. W. “The Doctrine of Justification,” Lutheran Standard, November 1, 1872, pp. 163ff. Available online. This is an English translation of the essay that was delivered (in German) at the inaugural convention of the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference. The official proceedings of the convention do not identify the essayist. Some have stated that the essayist on this occasion was Friedrich A. Schmidt, but our conclusion, based on all the evidence (including the testimony of Franz Pieper), is that it was Walther.

Walther, C. F. W. “Easter: Christ’s Resurrection – The World’s Absolution,” in The Word of His Grace: Sermon Selections. Lake Mills, Iowa: Graphic Publishing Company, Inc., 1978, pp. 229-36.

Walther, C. F. W. Justification: Subjective and Objective. Fort Wayne: Concordia Theological Seminary Press, 1982. Translated by Kurt E. Marquart. This is a more recent translation of the essay delivered at the 1872 convention of the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference. (The materials listed above that are available online, can all be accessed by means of this “Lutheran Theology” web page: tinyurl.com/lutherantheology)

Commentary by Gregory L. Jackson Follows

This set of references is truly a rotten pot and stinks up the entire paper, as expected. Normally I go to the references first, before reading a paper, but this time I waited, my mouth open in shock at the repeated unverified claims made by Jay Webber, MDiv.

Presenting only one side of an issue and never giving credit to another view is a typical undergraduate approach, worsened by today’s political – or identity – politics. The “conservative” Lutherans are no better. This is not even undergraduate work, because the argumentation wanders all over the field without addressing key issues or authors.

Nothing on the list supports justification by faith, which is the intended target of his essay, although the author is not honest enough or brave enough to admit his agenda. Instead, the references lead the unwary to think the entire topic of justification is covered, if superficially by this list.

I know Robert Preus taught at Concordia, Ft. Wayne and was president of the seminary when Jay graduated. I attended some classes there, including David Scaer’s, Klemet Preus’, and lectures by Marquart, Preus, and one of their liberals.

One would expect that Preus’ last work – on justification – would be included in this short list. But lo – it is not. Justification and Rome is missing in the essay and missing as a reference. Risking a violation of the Eighth Commandment, I contend this happened because Preus clearly repudiated UOJ in his book, repeatedly and clearly, in his own words and those of the late orthodox period, the subject of his second doctorate. Robert and Jack Preus teamed up against Walter A. Maier, on this very topic, giving Robert the Ft. Wayne presidency instead of Maier. That made it difficult for Robert to admit he was wrong, but he did retract his error through this book.

Even more important – I expect Martin Luther’s Galatians Commentary to be on the list, since the Concordists named it as a work for additional subject. The commentary is only mentioned in the essay, never addressed, because Luther made it his final, his ultimate work on justification by faith.

The Righteousness of Faith, Article III, Formula of Concord is never discussed seriously. The sub-headings of the Apology would have made interesting commentary, but that brilliant essay on Justification by Faith is missing.

The Augustana? Forget that confession – too concise, too plain and simple. The laity might understand it and toss out the imposters promoting UOJ.

Instead, we have Buchholz’ pathetic OJ gyrations promoted; DP Jon returned the favor by sending around Webber’s sad spectacle of a paper.

Rick Curia’s little book is important, because he took the time to gather all the UOJ material he could, post-Kokomo. I mined some of the best, most absurd UOJ quotations from that book – such as Edward Preuss having all the Hindu and Hottentotts justified.

I addressed both sides of the issue with Thy Strong Word



The UOJ quotations shocked many clergy and awakened many laity. Since then I have re-issued the book free, English-only. Buchholz, who considers himself brilliant, had his own free copy, but he never read it or unpacked it when he left his debt-ridden congregation in Washington for Tempe, Arizona.

Everyone is getting increasingly feverish after JP Meyer’s Ministers of Christ, which set a new record in plumbing the depths of false doctrine. Three of Meyer’s theses became part of the Kokomo Statements, which were used as the standard of orthodoxy to kick two families out of WELS.

Webber claims – absurdly – “The present essay is chiefly a work of historical theology.” But he omits Kokomo, skips over the invention of OJ/SJ in the Woods translation (which is perhaps found elsewhere). Knapp was very significant for Protestants in the 19th century, certainly for German Lutherans, and the Calvinist translator Woods was one of those Wunderkinder in his own denomination. The impact was there, but where is the history? Nota bene – WELS re-issued Meyer’s book with all the worst statements still there, endorsed by implication by the editor Panning, retired Mequon seminary president, who was on the committee that seconded the defenestration of the two Kokomo families.

No Meyer – No Gausewitz. If one argues that Meyer is a minor figure, apart from WELS, then why ignore Gausewitz, who served as Synodical Conference president, pastor of Grace Downtown in Milwaukee, and author of the catechism used by the Synodical Conference for decades? The original Gausewitz catechism had no UOJ in it at all. Now it is out of print and hard to find.

Likewise, the LCMS has a KJV catechism very much like it – no UOJ. The KJV catechism is still in print, still being sold – is everyone blind and deaf?

Webber began with his hero, Little from Waterloo Lutheran Seminary, but those books are not listed in the references.


 
Jay Webber and the ELS pastors refer to Wisconsin Lutheran Semiary
as "The Sausage Factory."
But he is just like them - repeat after me false dogma.